Hacking the Bill of Rights

By James P. Pinkerton

     More than ever before, Americans are exercising their unalienable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of capital gains. But what happens when liberty jeopardizes life -- or the Dow Jones average? And what happens when the government jeopardizes liberty?
     Last Tuesday [that would be about March 28, 2000, or so], Sen. Jon Kyl, R-Ariz., convened the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Technology, Terrorism and Government Information to make the case for new legislation to protect the nation's "information infrastructure."
     And so began a familiar Washington ritual: Friendly lawmaker invites friendly bureaucrat to a hearing. Both read statements and share some chummy chit-chat. Soon, a new law emerges that gives political credit to the lawmaker and a bigger budget to the bureaucrat. So it's a win-win for the two of them, but if others aren't paying attention, their interests are likely to get left out.
     Kyl began the show with a declaration that "denial of service" hacker attacks on companies such as eBay, Yahoo and CNN should "serve as a wake-up call about the need to protect our critical computer networks." Getting down to the bottom line, Kyl added that "the attacks contributed to a 258-point drop in the Dow Jones Industrial Average and halted a string of three days of consecutive record-high closes of the technology-laden Nasdaq Composite Index."
     To deal with this problem, Kyl and Sen. Charles Schumer, D-N.Y., have co-sponsored Senate Bill 2092, which would, among its many provisions, modify the federal government's "trap and trace" authority, so that law enforcers would no longer need to obtain a search warrant in every jurisdiction through which a cyber attack traveled.
     The first "witness" was FBI Director Louis Freeh. After praising Kyl and his legislation, he reminded his audience of how much the FBI was already doing to combat the scourge of cyber-crime. The FBI opened 1,154 "computer intrusion" cases last year, he said, more than double the number from 1998. Freeh then used the forum to outline the FBI's entire cyber-agenda, covering everyone from virus-writers and intellectual property thieves to the "Internet Black Tigers," a hitherto unknown group "reportedly affiliated with the Tamil Tigers" of Sri Lanka. But in keeping with the Wall Street-orientation of the session, he further noted that unchecked Net-related stock fraud costs investors $1 million an hour.
     Freeh ended with a call for more budgetary, as well as legal, authority for his agency. And Kyl was right there with him; the senator's first question was, "Is this level of funding sufficient, or should Congress look to increase it?"
     Only two more witnesses came after Freeh. One was Richard D. Pethia, who directs a federally funded cyber-security center within the Software Engineering Institute at Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh. Not surprisingly, Pethia was 100 percent behind the joint Kyl-Freeh effort. The other witness was Harris N. Miller, president of the Information Technology Association of America, a Washington-based trade association. Miller was supportive but ambivalent; his worry seemed to be that high-tech trade secrets would spill into -- and then out of -- Uncle Sam's databases.
     But the real opposition to the senate bill wasn't heard from because it wasn't invited to testify. One likely opponent is the Electronic Privacy Information Center, a Washington-based cyber-liberties group.
     "This is very much a process being driven by the law-enforcement community," lamented Mark Rotenberg, the group's director, in an interview.
     Another non-invitee was Solveig Singleton, director of information studies at the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank in Washington, D.C. "Law enforcement views the Fourth Amendment as the problem," she said later. That's the piece of the Bill of Rights that protects "persons, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures" -- with no mention of e-mail. And so now, Singleton observed, the FBI wants to force manufacturers to "build surveillance into technology," all but eliminating the need for search warrants.
     How much power should the government have to protect us? And how much power to snoop? The dangers that Kyl and Freeh described are real, but so is the danger of a government's habitually stomping on the privacy rights of everyone from Martin Luther King Jr. to Kathleen Willey. History proves that basic rights are unalienable only when those who might alienate them are watched like hawks.

     Pinkerton is a Newsday columnist and a member of its editorial board.

This article appeared in the April 2, 2000, edition of the Fayetteville Observer.


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